Cold War 2.0: Putin’s Reality
The Soviet Union was disappearing,
created by Joseph Stalin, the great empire was crumbling. For Vladimir Putin
perestroika and glasnost was a disaster. Glasnost initiated by Mikhail
Gorbachev was a policy leading the USSR to a more open form of government.
Perestroika was the restructuring of the political and economic system bringing
an end to centralized planning. Putin saw these policies not as opportunities
as intended but the downfall of his proud and powerful Russia. In Putin’s view,
the United States was taking advantage of the collapse of the Soviet Union and
through NATO on a course of military and political expansion towards the
Russian borders. In Putin’s world, Russia counters the political and military
weight of the United States. By stopping
the eastward expansion through countries on Russian borders, he provides Russia
with a buffer zone between it and NATO’s European supporters. Putin’s objective
is to stop the eastward expansion of NATO and protecting the Russian speaking
people of not only Russia but its neighbors (Smith) .
Working with KGB since the age of
23, Putin was a combatant against U.S. during the Cold War. He saw firsthand
the changes in Russian political stature occurring with the collapse of the
USSR. He witnessed the apparent humiliation of the Russia at the hands of weak
and ineffective leaders like Boris Yeltsin. The West celebrated the opening of
Russia’s and its former satellites’ borders while Putin saw disorientation in
his compatriots. There was no sense of liberation or cause for celebration for
Putin. For Putin saw only loss and decline, in Trump, Putin, and the New Cold
War it stated that “Tens of millions of ethnic Russians found themselves
“abroad””. A territory larger than India lost with its resources and nearly
half of the population. For Putin, this was the bitter taste of his Russia’s
defeat, relinquished to a subordinate, a “regional power” as stated by Barack
Obama.
Putin’s strongman character
developed in this environment. Taking control of the government and the media
upon becoming president. He begins using
the media to create an image, an ideology to rally support from the people. The
foundation for this ideology are nationalism, social conservatism, and
xenophobia. (Evan Osnos) All three are part
of the Russian political culture. These 3 characteristics and the strongman persona
portrayed by carefully guided media provide the elements of control.
To maintain control, red tape, and
absent media coverage mute’s opposition leaders. Others become public examples
like Mikhail Khodorkovsky once controlling Siberian oil fields and very wealthy
was arrested, charged with fraud, and spent 9 years in prison while his assets
became worthless through government action. All this occurred because
Khodorkovsky funded an opposition leader. Other high profile individual or
groups were targeted and subjected to similar treatment provides a clear
message to would be dissenters.
While Putin consolidated power and
gains overwhelming support of his people, the U.S. has been pushing the NATO’s
boundaries eastward inviting former Easter Block countries into participation.
This process of expansion continued without much Russian dissent until 1995
when Operation Deliberate Force was executed to curtail the armed conflict in
Bosnia and Herzegovina. The conflict had created an enormous humanitarian
crisis in Eastern Europe and there were indications that massacres of whole
villages were taking place. For Putin and Russians in general, the military
action by aircraft and ground forces of 15 nations of the United Nations
Protection Force carried a vastly different meaning. It was a military activity
too close to home, NATO was knocking at their doorstep, it was threatening.
The
bombing in Bosnia was a pivotal event for Putin, it demonstrated how the UN and
NATO could be used to put a military force on his border and regardless of the
circumstances this was unacceptable. Add
to this, the non-violent “Color Revolutions” that were taking place in Balkan
and Middle Eastern states and this military action takes on new meaning.
Muammar Gaddafi, the Socialist leader of Libya was killed brutally after interventions
by NATO aiding anti-Gaddafi rebels, for Putin, this was personal and another
piece of the threat puzzle fell into place. The revolutions of the “Arab
Spring” followed and these served to destabilize several governments in North
Africa shifting power to new governments. These events taken together were
beginning to paint a picture of western expansionism to Putin. The last piece fell into place and it came
from within Russia.
In
2013, the Russian chief of general staff published “The Value of Science of
Prediction”. It stated how the use of “military, technological, media, political
and intelligence tactics” could be used to “destabilize an enemy at minimal
cost” (Evan Osnos) . It is this article, this last piece of the
puzzle coming from his own general, that crystalized for Putin the threat posed
by the U.S. and NATO. In this context, the new missile defense system the U.S.
is pushing ever closer to Russian borders takes on a whole new level of
threat. Putin sees the U.S. practicing
these modern tactics in various parts of the world. The U.S. has military bases
and ports around the world, Russia is
surrounded, to Putin, he is backed into a corner. A dangerous place to be with
a nuclear arsenal at his command.
The
threat is real, for Putin, for the U.S., and the rest of the world. The U.S.
does not appear to have a deliberate coherent strategy to destabilize Russia.
There lies the problem, an incoherent strategy applying political pressure and
military intervention randomly may have the consequence of appearing like a
threat to former enemy, reinforcing old prejudices and beliefs. It is well documented
that people may perceive patterns where patterns do not exist. Only by applying
intelligence and coherency to U.S. international policy will a definitive non-threatening
pattern appear. The U.S. needs to find a way for Putin not to feel like his
back is to the wall. Leadership and communication in an inclusive participatory
new world order is needed to render our nuclear stockpiles of destruction
obsolete.
Works Cited
Crowley, Michael. Politico: Senior Foreign Affairs
Correspondent PBS: Fresh Air: Michael Crowley. 21 December 2016. Radio.
Evan Osnos, David Remnick, and Joshua Yaffa.
"Trump, Putin, and The New Cold War." 6 March 2017. The New
Yorker. Document. 18 April 2017.
VICE: Cold War 2.0. Dir. Shane Smith. Perf. Shane Smith and Simon Ostrovsky. 2015. TV
Broadcast.